Iran

Pan-Iranism becomes more aggressive as it becomes helpless

Iran

When looking at the history of modern Iran, especially when researching through official channels, one comes across a more official image than true information. Thus, in order to see the reality of Iran’s geography, it is first necessary to overcome the official barriers set by the political will.

Since the time of the first Pahlavi, when the modern definition of the nation-state was introduced, the Persian ethnic basis was adopted in Iran. In short, all non-Persians in Iran were sent aside and sentenced to extinction. This official view was the keyword in modern Iran and Iranian thought. Therefore, Persian nationalism was first equated with Iranian nationalism, and secondly, basically, the whole national identity in Iran was built with only the Persian ethnic center in mind. At that time, this thought, which saw or thought that it did not have a serious past for different nations, struck a chord with history.

As a result of this fascist thinking, a serious policy of assimilation began. Especially in the modern education system, this idea was centered and tried to dissolve the non-Persian in the country. There have been serious protests and uprisings on this issue from non-Persians, especially from Azerbaijan and Turkey.

21 The Azer movement was one of the main movements. But in any case, the system has come so far. With the Islamic Revolution, the Persian factor was suddenly added to the Shiite factor. This view, and especially the long years of the Iraq war, has led to years of silence among the Iranian people, or rather, the government has not allowed any serious protests. However, after the war years, there were opportunities for serious protests, and non-Persians took action to regain their existence. The Azerbaijani National Movement was also seen as the first enemy of Pan-Iranian thought, as it seriously fought against Persian Fascism.

In recent years, the aspirations and struggle of the Azerbaijani National Movement have become a common denominator and desire. This issue further challenged the rise of Pan-Iranianism. The Iranian government no longer sees Azerbaijanis tied to it under the pretext of Shiism. Particularly political, as well as economic difficulties that have increased in recent years, have exacerbated general protests and public discontent.

In recent years, general dissatisfaction has been seen as a serious threat, especially among Azerbaijanis, whom the government sees and seeks to be a classic supporter of. Therefore, it is possible to see the rapid emergence of new alternative thinking. Among these thoughts, the rise of Pan-Iranianism and Persian Fascism has visibly multiplied. It is clear that the government wants to prolong the life of the Azerbaijani nation from the polarization it has created in society by defeating the struggle for democracy and equality to the level of an ethnic war. Therefore, the presence of Persian nationalists in the most sensitive places can be seen, especially in the Rouhani government. Meanwhile, one of the most popular ideas is “Iranshahr”. This idea put forward by Sayyid Javad Tabatabayi, softly suggests that the Islamic Republic of Iran should move from Islamic thought to Persian nationalist thought. Tabatabai openly stands in front of Ismai’s identity, but Hasan Rouhani received the Farabi award. as well as Rouhani’s minister, Abbas Akhundi, who had ample opportunity to broadcast in Tehran.

Now, especially when it is revealed that Abbas Akhundi is a candidate in the presidential elections of the Reformers, it is clear how serious his policy has been in recent years. The arrival of Abbas Akhundi in the elections means that the idea of ​​Iranshahr, which provides the full application of Persian Fascism, is based on Iranian state policy, and heralds the beginning of a new era.

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